Like all career generals, top
economists prepare themselves for the day when their theories can be put to the
test of reality (or is it the other way around?). Certainly, the so-called Great Recession that
has hit the US since 2008, then morphed into an existentialist crisis for
Europe, and now challenges China’s investment driven growth is such a opportunity. And indeed, we have seen a wide array of
economists make the case for their deeply felt diagnoses and attending
cures. Yet they have little to show so
far.
He’s a
nowhere Man,
Sitting in
his Nowhere LandMaking all his nowhere plans
For nobody.
Traditionalists have thundered against the wasteful ways of the consumer society and its propensity to spend itself to exhaustion, mostly with money borrowed from any willing lender, investor or speculator. The cure is simple: let them fail, lance the boil and wait for nature to heal itself. Unfortunately, and as we have seen when applied in some places, this triggers economic collapse, societal tensions and political instability. But not recovery.
Doesn’t
have a point of view,
Knows
not where he’s going to,Isn’t he a bit like you and me?
Others, who quote Keynes, have argued that the state should step up
to make up for the reduced demand from the private sector and thus avoid an
economic depression. Some have also
argued that such boost would also result in some degree of inflation which would
help reduce the excessive indebtedness of both private and public
borrowers. We haven’t seen much
inflation in the US where this approach was tried; on the contrary, prices have
been stable but public debt has surged and little of that fiscal stimulus has
found its way into worthy investment projects for a variety of reasons.
Nowhere
Man, please listen,
You don’t
know what you’re missing,Nowhere man the world is at your command.
A variant of the Keynesian school of thought is epitomized by the
Japanese economist Richard Koo who has made the persuasive argument that the current
crisis of excessive private sector indebtedness doesn’t respond to traditional
monetary policy as debtors focus on reducing their debt outstanding, even if interest
rates are at rock-bottom. In his view,
the state had to crank up spending and go on as long as necessary; in most wealthy countries, funding this
fiscal effort should be doable as private sector savings would generally equal public
sector borrowings. While his reasoning
is powerful, the example of Japan, which, by and large, has followed his
prescription, is not: twenty years after its real estate bubble burst, Japan is
still doing poorly while its public debt is soaring.
He’s as
blind as he can be,
Just
sees what he wants to see,Nowhere Man can you see me at all?
Yet another group put its hopes on reforms, sometimes stated
vaguely, or extravagantly. By definition,
reforms will change the way people work and live, will produce some winners and
losers and can cast a pall of uncertainty that will last for several years, for
reforms take years to be debated, agreed and implemented. Successful reformers have been able to
fine-tune the process so that change took place while stability was preserved and
expectations were not let to run wild, with fear or overexcitement. But reforms alone didn’t work.
Doesn’t
have a point of view,
Knows
not where he’s going to,Isn’t he a bit like you and me?
There is no lack of example of countries overcoming deep financial
or economic crisis; there were no magical wands, excessive debts were not
transmuted into savings, orthodox measures such as public spending cuts were
combined with currency devaluation and strong foreign direct investments; and
yes, there also were some policies that were “unorthodox” in their days such as
privatizations, tax cuts and private pension reforms. But what these countries also had was strong
political leadership, capable and willing to carry out painful recoveries and
to rally their nations behind the effort.
Nowhere
Man, don’t worry,
Take
your time, don’t hurry,Leave it all ‘till somebody else
Lends you a hand.
Chile was engulfed in 1982 by the Latin American debt crisis
despite having carried out wider economic reforms than the rest of the
region. Its downfall however was
precipitated by an overvalued peso and excessive US dollar borrowings. Because it was governed by the Pinochet-led
military junta, Chile, unlike its neighbors, received no international
financial help and was left to solve its problems on its own. It did so by first nationalizing the banks (closing
a few unviable ones), devaluing the peso, controlling public spending and
restructuring its private and public debt in a way that was both fair and
conducive to stabilizing and even raising foreign productive investments. It has often been argued that having an
authoritarian government helped Chile carry out unpopular policies. This is true to some extent only; there were
times in 1984 and 1985 when the position of the government was precarious;
besides there have been many examples of authoritarian governments that were miserable
economic failures.
But Chile’s success in handling its crisis can be attributed to
other important factors as well: unlike other countries, Chile cleaned up the
financials of public companies before it privatized them; it insured that many
ordinary Chileans could benefit from large privatizations thanks to its so
called capitalism popular; from the
beginning, it promoted free markets and private investments. Finally, Chile offered a number of intangibles
which are generally overlooked yet were of critical importance, such as a fair
and predictable legal system, a very competent core administration where
corruption was absent. To this day, this
remains one of the best turn-around stories.
He’s a
nowhere Man,
Sitting in
his Nowhere LandMaking all his nowhere plans
For nobody.
Brazil had been an intractable basket case for two decades, with
endemic hyperinflation and spiraling public debt when F. H. Cardoso, then minister of
Finance, launched the Plano Real in 1994.
The plan’s insight was to break the vicious cycle of expected inflation
and general indexation without imposing price controls. It did so by creating a money of reference (the
Unidade Real de Valor- URV which was in effect indexed to the US dollar, not
to domestic inflation) alongside the money of exchange (the cruzeiro), and setting
it initially at a high level. After
confidence in the URV was won, the URV became the new money of exchange, the Real. The strength of the Real was preserved by
setting positive interest rates, by controlling public sector spending at times via financial
negotiations with Brazilian states and by large scale privatizations. FHC’s credibility helped him carry out his key policies, although former allies reproached him his free market initiatives
which he nevertheless had the courage to see through.

Some elements are common to these turnaround examples: currency devaluation (delayed in the case of Brazil as the key problem was internal debt and lack of faith in the currency), public spending cuts, free market emphasis for greater efficiency and accountability, generally, policies that are consistent and understandable for the public, and leaders who are competent, honest and unafraid.
Homo
economicus has a lot of ideas, and while there is always room for new policies, abolishing "no pain no gain" is not one of them. In the end, he is only as good as the homo
politicus to whom he reports and from whom he should get support.
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