There are few musical genres that are more enchanting
than the vallenatos, particularly those composed by Rafael Escalona and
interpreted by Carlos Vives. Escalona’s
songs deal with everyday life in the Carribean coastal region of Colombia which
stretches from Cartagena to the Guajira peninsula. One of my favorites is El Almirante Padilla in which Escalona laments the prospects of
Tite Socarras, whose contraband business has been ruined by the intervention of
the Colombian Navy and who may now be forced into a new, conventional, and dull
professional life.
Y
ahora padonde irá, y ahora padonde irá?
A ganarse la vida el Tite Socarras
Y ahora padonde irá, y ahora padonde irá?
A ganarse la vida sin contrabandear
A ganarse la vida el Tite Socarras
Y ahora padonde irá, y ahora padonde irá?
A ganarse la vida sin contrabandear
Change came just as suddenly to Cyprus, long
accustomed to serving as a regional hub for shipping, trading and financial
services. Cyprus, planted in the middle
of the Eastern Mediterranean sea, governed over centuries by various invaders,
had lately morphed into the most important offshore center for Russian
investments. An EU member, it was a more
reputable tax haven for corporations than more exotic venues. It also offered a low tax refuge for thousand
of European individuals, particularly British retirees.
In sum, its business model grated on big European authorities
as much as Socarras’ contraband grated on regional authorities, and while
Brussels didn’t send a frigate to deal with the irritant, the end result was
the same.
Pobre
Tite, pobre Tite...
La armada le salió lista
Hombe! que ahora esta muy triste
Lo ha perdido todo por contrabandista
La armada le salió lista
Hombe! que ahora esta muy triste
Lo ha perdido todo por contrabandista
But high living Cyprus was not in default – although
it had lost access to international debt markets – and while some of its banks
were essentially bust, the majority wasn’t.
Ironically, its demise was caused not by real estate speculation or
other home-made disaster, but by its banks’ excessive exposure to Greece.
Under such circumstances, for Brussels to force its
government – and for the latter to agree - to freeze bank deposits and confiscate
part of them, including those that were supposedly government guaranteed is incomprehensible;
not to work on a plan with Russia which is the biggest contributor to the economy of Cyprus and has the most to lose is mystifying; to force on depositors a levy equivalent to 30% of Cyprus GDP is very difficult
to justify; that the Cyprus government opted to target depositors rather than
bank creditors and shareholders is mind-boggling.
It is clear to me that the EU wanted to do away with
Cyprus as a tax haven; it is extraordinary that the government of Cyprus didn’t
think it was committing economic and financial suicide. But if Cyprus’ business is ruined, its
tormentors’ is also severely damaged.
Yes, the economy of Cyprus is unbalanced, with a
financial sector many times the size of the GDP; but is it very different from
that of Hong Kong, or for that matter that of Luxembourg?
Yes, when people take business risks they should be
ready to pay for their mistakes; but should they now expect the EU to
arbitrarily change fundamental financial rules in areas such as: government deposit
insurance, the order in which losses are allocated to creditors, applying quasi
bankruptcy rules in the absence of same?
Yes, membership to an economic and financial union
carries with it obligations, but should member countries and private economic
agents expect a degree of assistance and solidarity in times of crisis or that stronger
members will muscle in to extract deep competitive benefits as the price for a
modicum of help?
Don’t get me wrong, Cyprus and its banks got
themselves into trouble, but they were no more guilty than Ireland, Spain,
Portugal, Italy and, perhaps, France tomorrow.
Unlike others, they were too small to resist the pressure (the only
exception being Ireland on the topic of corporate income tax).
The latest Cyprus crisis is a reminder that the
eurozone problems are a long way from being solved. It also shows that the future of the
eurozone, in its current composition, is very bleak: there is too much disparity
in economic size and strength, which makes policy harmonization quasi
impossible; cultural differences are too wide; finally, the eurozone is the
ultimate Rorschach test: some see in it the solution to political weaknesses, others
see in it an economic multiplier, a few seek enhanced geopolitical security. In the end, whatever they want from it, no member
is willing to surrender economic and financial sovereignty to a common center.
The eurozone may well survive this latest challenge,
but in no way should investors assume that this union is comforted. Rather, I expect each member country to more
closely look after its on interests - minimizing the allocation of resources to
common strategies in order to safeguard its own future – and to look for
potential fellow travelers so as to enhance its security and negotiating
position in case of future troubles.
Unos
pierden porque juegan
Escalona enamorando
Pero el Tite, pobrecito
Lo ha perdido todo por el contrabando.
Escalona enamorando
Pero el Tite, pobrecito
Lo ha perdido todo por el contrabando.
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